I. Peace and Political Stability: Prerequisites for the Establishment of the Constitutional Democracy and Rule of Law in the in the DRC
1. One of the main goals of the opposition in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) for December 2018 presidential elections was to remove the outgoing president Joseph Kabila Kabange and his regime from power without more bloodshed. Given the fact that Felix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo pragmatically allowed the opposition and the Congolese people to achieve this objective, it is now critical or even imperative that the United States via the Trump Administration assist him and the Congolese people to consolidate the constitutional democracy and the rule of law on the ground in the DRC.
2. However, it must be pointed out that one cannot successfully assist President Felix Tshisekedi and the Congolese people to consolidate the constitutional democracy and the rule of law on the ground without, first and foremost, securing a lasting peace and political stability in the DRC. Yet, as we know, it is no longer a secret that from mid-October 1996 to present, the lack of a lasting peace and political stability in the DRC in general and in eastern DRC in particular have always been the number one biggest challenge that faced all post- late Marshall Mobutu’s regime, Mzee Laurent Desire Kabila’s regime, Joseph Kabila Kabange’s regime, and President Felix Antoine Tshisekedi TShilombo’s regime today.
3. Peace and security have been the biggest challenges for Congolese authorities because, among other things, from mid-October 1996 to present, the UN Security Council, the United States, Britain, and the international community at large have sided with Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, the current president of Uganda, and Paul Kagame, the current president of Rwanda by accepting their bogus argument the real politick hypothesis.
4. The real politik hypothesis being understood as Uganda and Rwanda’s so-called “legitimate right” to do whatever is necessary to protect their so-called “security interests” within the DRC’s territory. This, in total disregard of both the Cairo Declaration of 1964 regarding the territorial inviolability of national boundaries as inherited at independence and the UN Security Council resolution 1304 calling for Uganda and Rwanda’s troops withdrawal from Congo.
5. Hence, while Paul Kagame considered his invasion and occupation of the DRC’s territory as a legitimate effort to rout out the remnants of Hutu extremist fighters, notably the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) and former Rwandan Armed Forces (ex-FAR/Interahamwe), mostly responsible for the 1994 genocide that massacred over 800,000 Tutsis and Hutu moderates; Yoweri Kaguta Museveni saw his invasion and occupation as a golden opportunity to eliminate Ugandan opposition groups operating inside the DRC, singularly the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) led by Uganda’s notorious terrorist and war criminal: Joseph Kony.
6. However, as time went by, facts on the ground revealed that from mid-October 1996 to present, Museveni and Kagame’s regular troops along with rebel groups that they and their backers -- notably the multinational corporations involved in the looting of the DRC’s natural resources-- created, trained, equipped, and restructured at their will, invaded the DRC in order to remove late Marshall Mobutu Sese Seko and their former allied Mzee Laurent Desire Kabila (i.e. that they barbarically assassinated on January 16, 2001) from power in order to balkanize the DRC and extend their territorial, economic, and hegemonic ambition in the DRC in general, and in eastern Congo in particular.
7. Kagame’s determination of dismembering Congo was unequivocally clarified on March 18, 2001 when responding to questions that Robin Wright, journalist at the Los Angeles Times asked him.
Question: "Central Africa is facing the most serious set of crises since the European colonial rulers in the 1960s, problems underscored by the assassination in January of President Laurent Kabila. Congo has armies from five nations occupying its land. Will it ever be controlled by one government again?"
Kagame’s Answer: "May be one government, one man sitting in Kinshasa, does not fully address the problems of people who are living in a huge country with the poorest infrastructure on the continent. May be the Congo would be better off with a federal government, with some provinces having some autonomy to govern themselves, rather than always tying them to the central government in Kinshasa. [But for the moment] it’s one country, at least in terms of geographic interpretation, [and] the countries that are in the Congo have not claimed any piece of territory."
Question: "How important is it for the rest of Africa to keep Congo together?"
Kagame’s Answer: "Rwanda today is different from what it was 100 years ago. It used to be bigger than it is. It was dismembered and nothing happened."
8. What do Kagame’s answers tell us? Kagame’s answers suggest that, according to him, as 100 years ago, Rwanda was dismembered and nothing happened; today, The DRC can also be dismembered or Balkanized and nothing will happen. To me, this Kagame’s response to Robin Wright is the kernel of most Hima/Tutsi extremists and their backers’ misadventures in the DRC in general, and in Eastern DRC, in particular.
II. Facts Refuting Museveni and Kagame’s real politik hypothesis, and Explaining the Reasons behind MONUSCO’s Inertia
9. Evidence documented in three different reports on the “Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth in the Democratic Republic of Congo” presented by the international panels of experts appointed by the U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, corroborate this assessment (See Annex XI. Final report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of The DR Congo).
10. Furthermore, fierce battles that Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) soldiers or Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) waged in the Haut Plateau highland in Sud-Kivu province against those they were supposed to protect, notably Cdr. Patrick Masunzu, a former Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD/Goma) fighter. Rwanda’s officials persistent demands for the convenience of a second Berlin Conference, in order to revise borders set by the first Berlin Conference of 1885; and above all, the three bloody battles between Rwandan and Ugandan troops in Kisangani, a bloody battles which caused the massacre of thousands of innocent Congolese civilians, the systematic pillage of Congo's natural resources, the spread of HIV and other infectious diseases, the massive destruction of Congo's ecosystem, as well as the destruction of Congolese's properties, add more substance to our assessment. In other words, all facts above mentioned contradict and/or invalidate Museveni and Kagame’s real politick hypothesis argument.
11. As it can be observed from mid-October 1996 to present, the DRC has always been victim of the vicious circle of invasions and occupations of its territory by Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s and Paul Kagame’s troops. The use of the notions such as “Congolese rebellions” and/or “Pro-Rwanda’s Congolese rebels” is nothing but Museveni, Kagame, and their backer’s Machiavellian way to consciously mislead those who are not familiar with their lies, ruses, camouflages and deceptions, and smoothly advance their territorial, economic, and hegemonic ambition in eastern Congo.
12. Besides, we must always keep in mind that in the course of the senseless invasion and occupation of the DRC’s territory by Museveni and Kagame’s troops, according to the International Rescue Committee (IRC), a leading global humanitarian and post-conflict development organization working in more than 28 countries affected by conflict worldwide, over 5,4 millions innocent Congolese have been decimated so far, making Museveni and Kagame’s troops multiple invasions and occupations of the DRC’s territory, the dealiest conflict since the end of World War II.
13. Due allowance being made, this Congo’s holocaust is 7 times higher than that of Rwanda’s 1994 genocide and around 2,000 times higher than those massacred during the barbaric terrorism act of September 11, 2001. Indeed, to better understand the gravity of this Congo’s holocaust, one has just to think about a hurricane that totally washes out the entire population of the states Arkansas or Connecticut. Or an earthquake that completely decimates the population of the states of Deleware, Hawai, Idaho, and the District of Colombia combined?
14. And what saddens me the most here is that it was neither a tornado nor an earthquake and less the hurricane Andrew that was responsible for the decimation of over 5.4 million of men and women in the DRC. But these over 5.4 million innocent Congolese were decimated under Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s and Paul Kagame’s leadership, directly and/or indirectly. Besides, as I tirelessly underlined it in my previous publications, the over 5,4 million of innocent Congolese killed were not mosquitoes or africanized killer bees but they were real human beings with bodies and souls just like you and me, like any other human being. But, despite this Congo’s holocaust, Museveni and Kagame continue to walk freely as though nothing happened.
15. Now, it is becoming quite clear why, even though the international community under the United States leadership, has so far spent over 20 billion dollars to bring about a lasting peace and political stability in the DRC; since the creation of the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) in 1999, which became the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) on July 1, 2010, peace and political stability still remains elusive in the DRC in general, and in eastern Congo in particular.
16. Indeed, aside its colossal budget expenditures above mentioned; MONUSCO has about a maximum of 19,815 military personnel, 760 military observers, 391 police personnel and 1,050 members of formed police units on the ground. Furthermore, by its resolution 1925 the Security Council gave it a new mandate, that of using all necessary means to carry out its missions which, among other things, includes the protection of civilians, humanitarian personnel and human rights defenders under imminent threat of physical violence, and to support the Government of the DRC in its stabilization and peace consolidation efforts. despite these facts MONUSCO is till incapable of bringing about a lasting peace and political stability in Beni, Bunia, Butembo, let say, in the provinces of North Kivu, South Kivu, Maniema, and part of the Orientale province, and singularly in Ituri?
17. Basically, 20 years (that is two decades) later, MONUSCO has revealed itself as nothing but the worst form of “Ridiculous mammoth Bureaucracy”. This is because, despite the colossal budget expenditures above mentioned, and the decimation of over six million of innocent Congolese; apart from some UN Security Council’s usual condemnations, starting with the expressions such as:
“Recalling, Bearing in mind, Reaffirming, Expressing, Stressing, Welcoming, Noting with concern, Underlining, (…), the UN Security Council condemns and/or strongly condemns the continuing activity of and support to all armed groups”, etc.;
The UN Security Council, under the leadership of the United States and Britain, with the collaboration of the MONUSCO, have done little on the ground in terms of persuading and/or forcing Presidents Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda, and Paul Kagame of Rwanda, to put definitively and permanently an end to their two decades of state-sponsored terrorism, barbarism, vandalism, and genocide in eastern Congo; and getting rid of all kinds of armed groups and terrorists marauding in eastern Congo?
18. In fact, so long as the UN Security Council, under the leadership of the United States and Britain, will never make it clear to Presidents Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda, and Paul Kagame of Rwanda, to either immediately, definitively, and permanently put an end to their decades of state-sponsored terrorism, barbarism, vandalism, and genocide in eastern Congo, they will face justice in the same way that Charles Ghankay Taylor, the former President of Liberia, did, there will be no peace in eastern Congo. Eastern Congo will remain in a permanent state of war. Why is it that? Map.1 below tells it all.